The convention of Geneva and the care of sick and wounded in war / by J. Furley.

  • Furley, J.
Date:
[1896]
Catalogue details

Licence: Public Domain Mark

Credit: The convention of Geneva and the care of sick and wounded in war / by J. Furley. Source: Wellcome Collection.

Provider: This material has been provided by The Royal College of Surgeons of England. The original may be consulted at The Royal College of Surgeons of England.

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    A Friday, 24th April, 1896. The Right Hon. Viscount Knutsford, G.C. in the Chair. / C.M.G. iiJ The CONVENTION OF GENEVA andThe CARE OF SICK AND WOUNDED IN WAR. By J. FURL FA', Esq. THE Convention of Geneva was drawn up in 1864 ; within six months it was signed on behalf of eight European States, including Great Britain, and at the present time it has been accepted by thirty-six Govern- ments. A red cross on a white ground was adopted as the badge of neutrality, and since 1864, thirty-seven national Red Cross Societies have been formed, each with an independent national existence, but with one inter- national object, namely, the amelioration of the position of sick and wounded soldiers in war. It is popularly supposed that the purpose of the convention was to establish Red Cross Societies; this is an error; the treaty makes no mention of such societies ; but it is true that by taking voluntary aid to the victims of war under its protection, it suggested the formation of Red Cross Societies. After an experience of thirty-two years, it might be imagined that there was nothing new to be said on this subject, and that, especially in every country possessing a Red Cross Society, the meaning of the badge would be thoroughly understood ; but this is far from being the case. On the Continent of Europe, where national jealousy, fostered by com- mercial rivalry and stimulated and encouraged by continuous and ostentatious preparations for war, is always on the alert, it is perhaps natural that the effects of past wars should not be forgotten or ignored; but it is quite otherwise in our island home. We trust to the Government of the day to keep the country prepared for war; but we have no conscrip- tion to affect every family and business establishment, and military preparations are on a smaller scale and less conspicuous. Centuries have elapsed since our shores were invaded, and from the time of the Crimean war, although we have never been free from little wars and expeditions in remote parts of the world, not one has occurred to strain to the utmost the moral and physical resources of the nation, or to bring it into immediate touch with the complicated horrors of invasion. Twenty-six years ago, a great war between neighbouring Powers roused England from its apathy, and the deepest sympathies of all classes of the community were, manifested by the efforts made to do something towards the alleviation of the sufferings of those who were being mown down by thousands on the field of battle, as well as for the benefit of the countless victims represented by the widows and orphans and the owners of devastated fields. Then it was realised how, notwithstanding national prejudices kept alive by irresponsible writers and selfish specula- tors, civilisation has succeeded in forging links Detween nations, wnicn, though powerless at present to make war an impossibility, are sufficient to compel those engaged in it to look upon the wounded foe as no longer an enemy, and to treat the victims of war as worthy of the greatest consideration and compassion. Every country in the civilised world joined in this great mission of mercy, and never before was the brotherhood of nations so apparently at the point of realisation : but more than a quarter of a century has passed away, and we now seem as far as ever from this desired consummation. Wars have not ceased, nor is it likely they will do so, judging from the annually increasing growth of armies, the expenditure on behalf of fleets, and the general uneasiness which prevails. I have thus only lightly touched on questions which are being daily treated by speakers and writers whose qualifications are far beyond those to which I make any pretension; but as one who has had a considerable experience of the terrible and wide-spreading effects of war, and who Recognises that these are more equally divided than is generally supposed between the vanquished and the victors, I am anxious to bring before civilians one of the responsibilities incumbent on them, and thus, perhaps indirectly, to influence the military authorities by convincing them that it is a subject in which they are immediately concerned. A civilian’s participation in the defence of his country does not cease with his pecuniary contribution towards the Army and Navy; there is something more than this required of him. It is not a popular thing to suggest that a foreign foe may some day effect a landing on our shores; nevertheless, this is a subject which military men have to consider as a serious possibility ; it is, therefore, no less incumbent on the civilian to be prepared for such an eventuality. ' Any amount of care and forethought shown in this direction will do